Text: Martin Pei de la Paz
Translation: Julie Schwietert Collazo
[vease abajo para la version en espanol]
*

Photo: Giorgio

It’s well known that Cuba has lost a large part of its young population to the phenomenon of illegal immigration from the island to the United States or other parts of the world. Many families have a loved one or know someone who has left the country in the past 20 years, and as I’m not exempt from that category, it’s a subject that holds a personal interest for me.

Nonetheless, it was only recently that I met someone who had immigrated and then returned: Ignacio. He started to tell me his history, and I asked his permission to interview him.

Ignacio had committed various crimes in Havana. The father of two daughters in Cuba, one of whom died recently, he was wanted for various small crimes when he was arrested and incarcerated in the city of Cienfuegos in the province of Las Villas before he was released and left for the US via the port of Mariel in 1980.

My relationship with him was motivated by a deep curiosity to know about his life abroad, his experiences, and the reasons he finds himself in Cuba today after having abandoned the country. One way or another, I was determined to understand a turbulent era in Cuban history that unfolded in 1980. At the time, I was barely one year old. During the same year, more than 120,000 Cubans fled the country, though not all of them in the same way or for the same reasons.

Pei de la Paz: How did you leave Cuba?

Ignacio: I left for the United States via the port of Mariel in the early days of May 1980. I had been in the Wanajay Prison in Cuba. From there, I was transferred to The Mosquito camp, which was the departure point for prisoners who were leaving the country, some of their own will and others obliged to do so. The treatment of the Cuban authorities was very rough; I’d even say abusive.

Photo: Florida Keys Public Libraries

The boat I left in was called The Mora. The owner was a Cuban woman from Marianao, one of the neighborhoods of Havana. There were 14 of us on the boat, not counting the crew, and it was a small boat. There were men, women, and children of all ages. The crew had absolutely no navigation experience, which explained why we went off course on more than one occasion. I remember that they were on the radio constantly, asking merchant boats if we were on the right path to Key West.

We were exhausted when we saw the lighthouse, arriving first to Sombrero Key after all these confusions and detours. After we recovered a bit, we realized we could see the lights of Key West–our final destination–far out on the horizon. Finally, tired and confused, we found ourselves on dry land.

Pei de la Paz: How were your first months in the US?

Ignacio: I was really one of the lucky ones; I didn’t have to spend much time in the refugee camp. I was sent to Fort McCoy military base in Wisconsin. There, I was sponsored by Mr. Richard Kaiser, a sponsorship which made me eligible to leave.

Mr. Kaiser owned some farms and land, and that was the reason he was willing to sponsor refugees without families– so he could have them on his farm as laborers. It was a kind of work exchange program; we were cheap labor; in exchange, we received room and board. That was my start in the US.

A little later, I left the farm because I wanted to have my own house and strike out on my own. I didn’t know what was going to happen, but I wanted to be independent.

Pei de la Paz: Were you able to make money?

Ignacio: Yes, I was able to save a few thousand. I don’t remember exactly how much, but it was more than $5,000.

Pei de la Paz: Did you stay in Wisconsin?

Ignacio: Yes, I stayed in Wisconsin. I attended the Black Hawk Technical Institute; there we learned English, not just Cubans, but people from all over the world.

Pei de la Paz: Were you single at the time?

Ignacio: Well, I’d started a relationship with an African American named Maggie Davidson.

Pei de la Paz: Where did you meet Maggie Davidson?

Ignacio: She was in the school too, but she was there to help us. Her job (in an auto factory) wasn’t making ends meet and so she supplemented her salary by working at the school.

Pei de la Paz: How was your relationship with her?

Ignacio: To be honest, it was different. I was accustomed to relationships with Cuban women and [Maggie] was different, very different, but we got along well. We spent some very happy moments together that I still remember. We got married. Really, she’s a very good woman, with a good character.

Pei de la Paz: Did you have children?

Ignacio: Yes, a little girl we named Caridad.

Pei de la Paz: Can you describe Caridad?

Ignacio: Sure. She was an intelligent and loving child. I remember that I always bought her things and she’d be very happy.

Pei de la Paz: Did you separate from them?

Ignacio: To be honest, yes. I was in prison on two occasions in the US.

Photo: pregrinari

Pei de la Paz: Do you remember the names of the prisons?

Ignacio: Yes, one was in Illinois; I think it was called the Peoria Transitional Center for Adults. The other prison was the Waupun Correctional Institution in Wisconsin or something like that.

Pei de la Paz: What kind of work did you do in the US?

Ignacio: I got caught up in drugs. It’s what produced money quickly and easily, though it was dangerous. I found it impossible to get out, though; I made a lot of money and the money was stronger than my own will. It was rough, really rough!

Pei de la Paz: Did you want to get out of it?

Ignacio: Yes, and my wife said to me, “Give it up, let’s move,” but I didn’t listen to her. And look where I am now… in Cuba!

Pei de la Paz: What kinds of material things did you acquire in the US?

Ignacio: Well, not too much. I had a few different cars, but the ones I liked the most were the Lincoln Continental Towncar y the Buick Riviera.

Pei de la Paz: Were you in danger of being killed [because of your involvement with drugs]?

Ignacio: Yes, and the situation went on for years. Understand that beyond the drugs themselves, you start using weapons to protect yourself and you have to become violent to be able to survive within this type of activity. Violence is an indispensable requisite if you want to be able to live in that world.

Pei de la Paz: And is this the reason why you were deported?

Ignacio: Yes. I was deported because my behavior couldn’t remotely be called good. I wasn’t an abuser or a killer; I just wanted to live well. I can’t deny that [being in that life] brought lots of opportunities; that’s the truth. It wasn’t “Get out of here and go back to Cuba tomorrow!” like a lot of people thought. No! [The authorities] gave me the opportunity to reintegrated into society, but it was already too late when I realized my error.

Pei de la Paz: Tell me about the deportation.

Ignacio: Well, I don’t really know what to tell you about the deportation, but I’ll tell you what they did to me. One of the times I was incarcerated, my daughter Caridad had gone to Washington to welcome the soldiers returning from the Gulf War and her photo was published in the newspaper. And my photo was published on the other page, with the headline saying “Cuban Can Be Deported.” I wrote the paper with the intention of calling them out on their racism, and they responded that if they were racist they wouldn’t have published the article in the first place. And that’s where everything started going downhill.

Pei de la Paz: They didn’t deport you at that time, though?

Ignacio: The state judge who had sentenced me didn’t have the power to deport me, so they asked for the help of Leslie (Les) Aspin, a powerful politician with a lot of influence. He was the one who guaranteed the deportation; that much had made clear in his declaration in the newspaper. I think he eventually went on to become Clinton’s Secretary of Defense or something like that.

Pei de la Paz: Tell me about your return to Cuba.

Ignacio: It was far from easy; many people cried and cried, the process of deportation went on for years, and nobody thought that the hour would ever arrive to return to Cuba.

It was Flight 110 with 22 people on board, all deported Cubans! We were all people who were well known for their criminal activities and a history of violence, criminality, and mental illness. We were able to bring our belongings, our toiletries, and clothing, though we were “relieved” of it all once we were in Cuba. We were left with just our shoes and our toiletries. Later, we were transferred to a maximum security prison in Cuba.

There, you were evaluated according to your past history before and after your departure from Cuba; this was to make a determination as to whether to grant liberty or to continue a prison sentence. I left before the 45 days stipulated. I was one of the lucky ones! Like everyone, I received 100 Cuban pesos (the equivalent, more or less, of $5 USD), “help” from the Cuban government. Imagine the change!

Many of my friends were rejected by their families, as they’d never remembered their families in Cuba when they were rolling in money. In my case, it wasn’t like that; I’d always sent money and clothes to my family. In that respect, I can’t complain at all, but that’s not to say that [the return to my family] was easy. Even today, after 12 years, I’m still not accustomed to living in Cuba.

Pei de la Paz: How was the relationship between you and the Cuban authorities?

Ignacio: They had control over me. They told me that I had to go to work and every day they made more demands about what I had to do once I was free. But the work never came and the authorities never preoccupied themselves with the matter.

Pei de la Paz: Where did you live when you returned?

Ignacio: I returned to my old neighborhood in Old Havana. As I was returning in really good physical condition thanks to all the exercise I’d had in prison, it was easy for me to find a partner.

Photo: daveblume

My life was going fine until some old friends came around to propose some illegal business. As I wasn’t working for the government…well, you can guess what happened! I got involved in “la lucha” (literally, “the fight,” a term used to describe black market work or other work outside the norm in Cuba). That’s how I was sent to prison in Cuba again, without any trial and without really examining whether I was dangerous or constituted any other type of threat to society.

Pei de la Paz: So you were in prison in Cuba on more than one occasion, right?

Ignacio: More than once; after that, I was recruited for drug trafficking.

Pei de la Paz: How do you view your future in Cuba?

Ignacio: Look, in reality I’m more than 60 years old. I’m not involved in any illegal business. I make $12 a month and I raise a pig to sell part of it at Christmas. My situation is really tough, especially because I know the value of money– I know what it means to have $100,000 in my hand. And to see myself in this total poverty now… it’s very sad!

Pei de la Paz: What about your family in the US?

Ignacio: I lost contact with them years ago. I don’t know what happened! They sent me money and clothes after I returned, but now I don’t know what happened with them. I hope that one day before I die I can see them or at least talk with my daughter Caridad and say goodbye, which I could never do. That has hurt me, and I’m sure it hurt them, too.

Pei de la Paz: Do you want to go to the US again?

Ignacio: That idea has never left my mind; it’s always present. I’d like to go, but I don’t have the means to do so.

**
Today, Ignacio lives submerged in poverty. He works as a janitor at a health clinic in Havana. The Cuban government gave him a small room in which to live about an hour from the city of Havana. He has to go back and forth daily to get to work and to see his family.

His life is like that of many of the expatriates who were repatriated to Cuba in the 1990s for criminal convictions in the US. Alcohol has trapped him now, just as money, drugs, and the fast life did in the US.

For Ignacio, life in Cuba hasn’t been easy. He’s a man marked by two systems, victimized by himself and by the circumstances around him. For many of the Ignacios, the idea of the American dream is realized in the form of quick money made illegally, which turns into a nightmare– prison if one is lucky, or dead if he’s not, defending himself on his drug turf. The struggle Ignacio has faced has been a road filled with unexpected stops in jails and prisons.

For Ignacio, Caridad and Maggie are just a part of the tragic history of immigration and the complexity of his life. Cuba refused to receive him with dignity and offers him little help to reintegrated into social life. The general problem of unemployment, along with the conditions of poverty, lack of resources, and his criminal history are just a few of the insuperable obstacles that many men like Ignacio face when they return to their countries with empty hands. The system doesn’t let them advance, much less pursue happiness.

It was through Ignacio that I began to understand with greater clarity that human nature is fluid, not fixed, that I should pay attention to the politics that surround me because they affected me to. I understood that the role of prison is to to trap you during your most vital years and then let you go as an old person. And if you leave Cuba, she never really lets you go.

At 60 years old, Ignacio feels like a man who belongs neither here nor there. No one fears him anymore and he’s not a threat to society. He’s another of those men without a country, without a spiritual home to call his own.

*

Photo: Drpoulette

Es sabido que Cuba ha perdido una gran parte de su populacion mas joven por la inmigracion ilegal hacia los EEUU o a otras partes del mundo. De hecho muchas familias tienen un miembro o conocen a alguien que ha abandonado el pais en los ultimos 20 años.

Para mi en especial este fenomeno me interesa estudiarlo de cerca. Sin embargo hasta muy reciente no habia conocido todavia a nadie personalmente que hubiera regresado, hasta hace muy poco que conoci a Ignacio. El empezo a contarme su historia, y pedi su permiso para entrevistarlo.

Ignacio habia cometido varios crimenes en la Habana. Padre de dos hijas en Cuba, de la cual una falleció recientemente, el era buscado por delitos menores cuando fue arrestado y encarcelado en la ciudad de Cienfuegos, en la provincia de Las Villas, antes de salir para los EEUU directamente de la prision via Mariel en 1980.

Mi amistad con el se motiva por la inmensa curiosidad de conocer su vida en el exterior, sus experiencias y las razones por las cuales el se encuentra hoy en Cuba despues de abandonar el pais. De una manera u otra trato de recoger evidencias de una etapa turbulenta del ano 80 en Cuba cuando apenas yo tenia un año de edad y 120,000 cubanos abandonaron el pais. No todos de la misma manera ni en las mismas circunstancias o por las mismas razones.

Pei de la Paz: Como saliste de Cuba?

Ignacio: Me voy a los Estados Unidos en los primeros dias de Mayo de 1980 por el puerto del Mariel. Estaba preso en la carcel de Wanajay en Cuba. De alli me trasladaron para el campamento El Mosquito que era el punto de partida para los presos que abandonaban el pais, unos por su propia voluntad y otros obligados. El trato por parte de las autoridades cubanas fue muy duro, inclusive abusivo.

El barco donde me fuí se llamaba La Mora; la dueña era una cubana de Marianao, unos de los barrios de la Habana. Eramos como 14 personas sin contar la tripulacion, en un bote muy pequeño; habian hombres, mujeres, y niños de todas las edades.

Los que comandaban esta embarcacion no tenian conocimiento alguno de navegacion y por esas razones nos desviamos de curso en mas de una ocasion. Recuerdo que por la radio ellos preguntaban constantemente a los barcos mercantes que si estabamos en el camino correcto hacia Cayo Hueso.

Photo: afagen

Estabamos cansados cuando vimos el faro y llegamos primero a Cayo Sombrero, despues de toda estas confusiones y desvio. Despues de recuperarnos un poco ya se podia ver muy a lo lejos en el horizonte las luces de Cayo Hueso, nuestro destino final. Al fin, cansados y algo confundidos, llegamos a tierra firme.

Pei de la Paz: Como estuvo los primeros meses en los EEUU?

Ignacio: Fui uno de los poco con suerte, pues no pase mucho tiempo en el campamento para refugiados. Estaba en la base de entrenamiento militar Fort McCoy en Wisconsin. Alli me apadrina el senor Richard Kaiser para salir.

El senor Kaiser era un dueño de fincas y terrenos que buscaba a los refugiados sin familias para que laboraran y vivieran en su finca con los demas obreros; era como un contrato para buscar mano de obra barata a cambio de alojamiento y comida. Asi fue mi comienzó en los EEUU.

Luego despues de poco tiempo me fui de la finca porque quería tener mi propia casa y poder hacer algo independiente. No sé que me pasó pero queria intentarlo solo.

Pei de la Paz: Lograstes tener dinero en los EEUU?

Ignacio: Si ,tenía unos cuantos miles ahorrados. No recuerdo cuanto pero eran más de $5,000.00.

Pei de la Paz: Seguiste en Wisconsin?

Ignacio: Si, seguí en Wisconsin, en la escuela, El Instituto Tecnico Black Hawk; allí aprendíamos ingles no solo los cubanos sino tambien personas de todas partes del mundo.

Pei de la Paz: Estabas solo por aquella fecha?

Ignacio: Bueno, estaba comenzando una relación con una afronorteamericana. Ella se llamaba Maggie Davidson.

Pei de la Paz: Donde conociste a Maggie Davidson?

Ignacio: Ella estaba en la escuela también, pero solo estaba allí para ayudarnos ya que su trabajo, (una fábrica de automóviles) estaba en baja y para poder cobrar el salario debía ir a la escuela para asistir a los estudiantes y asi de esa manera complimentaba su salario.

Pei de la Paz: Como te fue la relación con ella?

Ignacio: A decir verdad fue algo diferente; estaba acostumbrado a las relaciones con cubanas y ella era distinta, muy distinta, pero nos llevamos muy bien. Vivimos momentos muy felices que todavia los recuerdo. Nosotros nos casamos de boda; realmente ella es una buena mujer de muy buen caracter y muy preparada.

Pei de la Paz: Tuvieron niños?

Ignacio: Si, una hembra que le pusimos Caridad.

Pei de la Paz: Puedes describírme a Caridad?

Ignacio: Si claro, ella era una niña muy inteligente y cariñosa. Recuerdo que yo siempre le compraba cosas y ella se ponía muy contenta.

Pei de la Paz: Nunca te separaste de ellas?

Ignacio: A decir verdad, si. Estuve preso en dos ocasiones en los Estados Unidos.

Pei de la Paz: Recuerdas los nombres de las prisiones?

Photo: cfinke

Ignacio: Si, una fue en el estado de Illinois, creo que se llamaba Peoria Centro Transicional para Adultos y la otra prision fue en la institucion Correccional Waupun en el estado de Wiscosin o algo asi.

Pei de la Paz: A que te dedicaste en los EEUU?

Ignacio: La droga fue lo que me perdió. Es que daba dinero muy rápido y fácil aunque muy peligroso, pero no me era posible salir, es que me entraba mucho dinero y el dinero fue mas fuerte que mi voluntad… era dificil, muy dificil!

Pei de la Paz: Quisiste salir de eso?

Ignacio: Si, mi esposa me lo decía, quítate, vamos a mudarnos, pero yo no le hice caso y mira donde estoy. En Cuba!

Pei de la Paz: Que cosas materiales obtuvistes en los EEUU?

Ignacio: Bueno, no mucho; tuve varios carros pero lo que más me gustaron fueron el Lincoln Continental Towncar y el Buick Riviera.

Pei de la Paz: Estabas en peligro de ser asesinado o terminar preso todos los días?

Ignacio: Así mismo fue y se mantuvo por años y anos esta situación y cada vez quería mas. Además la droga trae consigo el uso de armas para tu protección y debía ser violento para sobrevivir dentro de esa actividad. La violencia es un requisito indispensable para poder vivir en ese mundo.

Pei de la Paz: Y es por eso que te deportan?

Ignacio: Si, me deportan porque mi comportamiento no era nada bueno. Yo nunca fui abusador ni asesino, simplemente quería vivir bien. Ya era mucho lo mío y no te puedo negar que me dieron oportunidades y eso es verdad. No fue “Dale para Cuba mañana y ya como muchos piensan” No! Ellos me dieron oportunidad para que yo me reincorporara, pero ahora es muy tarde cuando me doy cuenta de mi error.

Pei de la Paz: Bueno, cuentame de la deportación.

Ignacio: Bueno, sobre la deportación no sé que contarte, pero te diré algo que me hicieron: en una ocasión que estaba detenido mi niña Caridad había ido a Washington para abanderar a los soldados de la guerra del Golfo y sale la foto de mi niña en una página y yo en la otra con letras que decían “Cuban Can be Deported”…. y yo le escribí al periódico con la intención de demandarlos por considerar ese articulo un poco racista en su tono y acercamiento y ellos me respondieron “que si ellos fueran racistas no hubieran publicado el artículo” y ahi paro todo.

Pei de la Paz: Entonces esa vez no te deportaron?

Ignacio: Bueno, en los EEUU el juez estatal que me sentencio no tiene ese poder para deportarme, así que pidieron ayuda a Leslie (Les) Aspin, un poderoso politico de mucha influencia y fue el quien garantizo la deportación, así lo dejo claro en su declaracion en el periódico. Esta persona supe con los años se convertiría en secretario de defensa de Clinton o algo así.

Pei de la Paz: Cuentame de la llegada a Cuba.

Photo: Dr. John 2005

Ignacio: No fue nada fácil; muchos lloraban, este proceso de deportación duro años y nadie pensaba que llegaría la hora de bajar un avión de regreso a Cuba esposados. Era en el vuelo 110 con 22 personas a bordo, todos cubanos deportados! Personajes muy conocidos por sus actividades delictivas y su historial de violencia, criminalidad y enfermedades mentales. Traíamos pertenecías, aseo personal, ropa entre otras cosas de las cuales fuimos despojados de todo en Cuba; solo nos dejaron los zapatos y el aseo personal. Luego fuimos trasladados para la prisión de máxima seguridad en Cuba.

Alli te evaluaban de acuerdo a tu historial antes y despues de tu salida de Cuba para hacer una determinacion para tu libertad o para continuar tu tiempo en prisión. Yo salí antes de los 45 días estipulados. Fui de los pocos con suerte! Recibí como todos la ayuda del gobierno de 100 pesos cubanos (un equivalente a mas o menos $5.00 dolares) Imaginate el cambio!

Muchos de mis amigos fueron rechazados por su familia ya que según ellos nunca se acordaron de los familiares en Cuba cuando manejaban grandes sumas de dinero. En mi caso no fue así; yo le mandaba dinero a mi familia y ropa, así que por esa parte no me puedo quejar, pero esto no quiere decir que fue fácil. Todavía hoy después de 12 años no me acostumbro a vivir en Cuba.

Pei de la Paz: Como fue la relación entre usted y las autoridades cubanas?

Ignacio: Ellos tenían un control sobre mi. Me dijeron que tenía que ponerme a trabajar y ponian cada dia mas demanda de lo que debia hacer una vez afuera de libertad, pero el trabajo nunca llego y los oficiales que me atendían no se preocuparon del todo.

Photo: Aaron Escobar

Pei de la Paz: Donde empezó a vivir en Cuba?

Ignacio: Regrese a mi barrio natal en la Habana Vieja. Como yo regrese en muy buenas condiciones físicas debido a los ejercicios en la prision me fue fácil encontrar pareja.

Mi vida siguio tranquila hasta que me tocan la puerta antiguas amistades proponiéndome negocios ilegales y como no estaba trabajando para el gobierno ..tú sabes! Empecé en la lucha (termino que se usa para decir que estas sobreviviendo por la via ilegal o fuera de la norma) en Cuba. Así fue como me meten preso en Cuba de nuevo, sin pruebas de ningún delito por índice de peligrosidad o prision preventiva.

Pei de la Paz: Entonces estuvo preso en Cuba una vez mas, no?

Ignacio: No, mas de una vez; después de eso me recluyen por trafico de drogas.

Pei de la Paz: Como veas tu futuro en Cuba?

Ignacio: Mira, en la actualidad tengo más de 60 años y no estoy involucrado en ningún negocio ilegal. Trabajo por 12 dólares mensuales y crio un puerco para vender una parte en navidad. Es muy dura la situación que tengo ya que se lo que es el valor del dinero, se lo que significan $100,000 dólares en mis manos y verme ahora en esta pobreza total… es muy triste!

Pei de la Paz: Y tu familia de USA?

Ignacio: Hace años perdí mi contacto con ellas. No se qué paso! Ellas me enviaron dinero y ropa después que regrese de allá, pero ahora no se qué paso con ellas. Yo espero algun dia antes de morirme poder verlas o al menos hablar con mi hija Caridad y darles el adios que nunca pude. Eso me ha dolido a mi y te aseguro que a ellas tambien.

Pei de la Paz: Quieres irte para los Estados Unidos de nuevo?

Ignacio: Esa idea nunca se me fue de la mente, está latente en mí, yo quisiera irme pero no tengo los medios.

**
Hoy Ignacio vive sumido en la pobreza. Trabaja como mozo de limpieza para un policlinico en La Habana. El estado cubano le dio un pequeno cuarto para vivir como a una hora de la ciudad de La Habana donde diariamente tiene que transportarse para ver a su familia y para trabajar. Su vida es una de estas muchas que fueron repatriados a Cuba en los 90s por delitos cometidos en los EEUU. El alcohol le atrapo de la misma manera que el dinero, la droga y la vida rapida en los EEUU.

Photo: Senor Adventure

Para Ignacio la vida en Cuba no ha sido facil. Es un hombre marcado por los dos sistemas, victima de si mismo y de las circunstancias que lo rodean. Para muchos de los Ignacios la idea del sueno americano llega en la via de enriquecimiento ilicito rapido, convirtiendose en una pesadilla terminando en la carcel si es que estan de suerte o muertos defendiendo las calles que ellos controlaban como traficantes. Al parecer la lucha que ha enfrentado ha sido calle abajo con paradas espontaneas en carceles y prisiones.

Para Ignacio, Caridad y Maggie son solo una parte de la historia tragica de la inmigracion y la complejidad de su vida. Cuba se niega a recibirlo con dignidad y le ofrece muy poca ayuda para la reintegracion social. La falta de empleos en general, unidos a las condiciones de pobreza, escases e historial criminal son algunos de los obstaculos insuperables para muchos de estos hombres que como Ignacio regresan a su pais con las manos vacias para volver a reintegrarse a la sociedad que un dia los aparto. El sistema no le permite avanzar y mucho menos alcanzar su felicidad.

Fue a traves de él que entiendo con mas claridad que la naturaleza humana es cambiante y no fija, que debo prestar atencion a la politica que me rodea porque esta me afecta, que el papel de la prision es atrapar tus años jovenes y arrojarte como viejo y que te vas de Cuba, y ni regresando regresas!

A los 60 años Ignacio se siente un hombre que no pertenece ni de aqui, ni de allá. Ya nadie le teme y no es un peligro para la sociedad. Es uno mas de los hombres sin país, ni hogar espiritual que lo pueda llamar suyo.

Text & Photos: Francisco Collazo
Translation: Julie Schwietert Collazo
[vease abajo para la version en espanol]
*
Fête de la Fédération, or Bastille Day, is the day the French celebrate the start of the French Revolution; it’s held on July 14 each year. This year, New York celebrated Bastille Day on Sunday, July 12, with a street fair full of activities for kids and adults. The weather was perfect: warm and sunny. Musicians and dancers added a festive touch to the occasion, along with the rich smells of French food: crepes, creme brulee, and other traditional French treats. Food stalls were set up along each side of East 60th Street from 5th Avenue to Lexington. The event, as in past years, was presented by the New York branch of Alliance Française.

The historical connection between France and the United States can be traced back to the revolutionary era–the American Revolution–the end of the 1700s, when Frenchman Marie-Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert du Motier, the Marquis de La Fayette (or Lafayette) served as a general under the direction of George Washington with the goal of defeating Great Britain and divest Europe of its power in America.

The French presence is still felt in the United States, above all in the food and music traditions honored today in Louisiana. In New York, the influence is seen, for one thing, in the great variety of French restaurants and bistros. And then there’s the Statue of Liberty (France’s gift to the United States), which welcomes people to New York, whether by air or by sea. The link between the two countries is unique and interesting, not only to France and the United States, but for the entire world.

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Fête de la Fédération es el dia nacional en Francia para celebrar el comienzo de la Revolucion Francesa, anualmente celebrado el 14 de Julio. Este ano se celebro este dia en Nueva York este domingo 12 de Julio con muchas actividades para ninos y mayores. El clima estuvo perfecto, caliente y soleado. Musica y bailarines alegraron el ambiente y el olor a comida francesa: crepes, creme brulee, y otros manjares de la comida tradicional francesa se movia de un lado a otro desde la avenida Lexington hasta la 5ta avenida a lo largo de la calle 60 del Este de esta ciudad. El evento fue auspiciado por La Alianza Francesa con sede en Nueva York como todos los anos.

La coneccion historica entre Francia y EEUU se remonta en los tiempos de la guerra revolucionaria americana a finales del 1700s, cuando el frances Marie-Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de La Fayette (o Lafayette), sirvio como general bajo el mando de George Washington para derrotar a la Gran Bretana y despojar a Europa de su poderio en tierras americanas.

La presencia francesa en los EEUU se siente viva en las tradiciones de Louisiana, sobre todo en su comida y en su musica. Por otra parte Nueva York no solo le brinda al mundo una gran variedad de restaurantes y bistros con especialidad en comidas de francesa, sino tambien a la entrada de su bahia la Estatua de la Libertad (otro regalo de Francia para America), la cual te da la bienvenida ya sea por aire, mar, o tierra a todo el que ha esta ciudad llega, haciendo de estas dos un legado unico e interesante no solo en los EEUU pero para el mundo entero.

Photo: foodistablog

A recipe results from an experiment.

White Lychee Tea

Ingredients:
3 individual tea bags of white tea
6 lychees (Fresh are best, but canned will do)

Instructions:
1. Boil the tea bags according to package instructions, placing three lychees in the pot or kettle.
2. Allow the tea to steep as per package instructions.
3. Once the tea has cooled to room temperature, pour the tea and the three lychees into a bottle or pitcher, then refrigerate.
4. When cool, serve tea in tall glasses, garnished with a lychee.

Text: Francisco Collazo
Translation: Julie Schwietert Collazo
[vease abajo para la version en espanol]
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Photo of Tegucigalpa by Fellowship of the Rich

Latin America has a long history of military coups, and Honduras is also a Latin American country.

To understand the events that recently occurred in Tegucigalpa, one must understand the history of Latin America, a history that shaped and made possible this seizure of power by force and the establishment of a military government. That history is easier to understand if we take a close look at how power is distributed in an agrarian, almost feudal, society in this region of Central America.

Spain’s conquests in the Americas was an epoch of genocide and mass brutality. In addition, the social, economic, and labor systems the Spanish set up in the Americas produced a mix of Europeans, Blacks, and natives (or indigenous people), which, in turn, led to the establishment of strict ethnic and social hierarchies that would shape social organization for the rest of the colonial period and even until the present day.

Photo by Lon&Queta

Honduras’s independence, won in 1821, was important; however, the country would continue spending many more years struggling to establish itself as a new nation and nurturing unity in Central America. The invasion of Central America by William Walker and his soldiers was a move to try to seize the region as an American colony. Walker and his forces were booted out of Nicaragua in 1857, but in 1860 the unit invaded Honduras, where they were finally defeated and executed by firing squad.

Following the wars of independence with Spain, Honduras was divided into two groups: one that maintained the status quo of the country’s social and political norms that had been established during the colonial period, and the other that expressed a desire to make a clean, complete break with that period and all it represented. Although Honduras has had multiple political parties since that time, they have all adhered, more or less, to one or other of these ideologies.

Significant political, economic, and social problems exist in Honduras, which reactionaries characterize as stemming from a lack of order and control; historically, the dominant classes have called upon the armed forces to exert their authority and establish “normality.” But perhaps it’s this “order” and “normality” that have been the underlying problems in Honduras and in all of Latin America for the past 500 years, for they have led to the use of brutal force, violence, and repression. In Honduras, the memory of Batallion 316, a secret paramilitary group in charge of physically eliminating political opposition and dissident voices during the government of General Policarpo Paz Garcia, is still very much alive.

Latin American courts have traditionally played a passive role in these dramas, though they are typically allied with the dominant classes. In fact, the language of the law is often used to do away with the people’s rights. They’re not courts that must or even wish to apply a strict interpretation of the nation’s constitution to the legal business of the nation. There’s not a tradition of democracy nor a respect for rights. It’s the point of the pistol that talks. We saw that in Chile in 1973 and again in Venezuela not so long ago. Of the 30 countries that comprise Latin America, at least 25 have gone through a period of dictatorship. And when a civil politician is elected as president, he is often as corrupt and violent as the military dictatorships; Alberto Fujimori of Peru, Joaquin Balaguer of the Dominican Republic, and Juan Maria Bordaberry of Uruguay are just a few examples.

Photo by Lon&Queta

The government of deposed president José Manuel Zelaya, then, is marked by these historical burdens in a region that has been overwhelmingly poor, under-educated, and exploited for centuries. We should remember, after all, that Spain didn’t come to the Americas to establish schools and universities or to free people. President Zelaya is simply the latest victim of an entrenched violence that is both physical and psychological in Latin America, a violence which is often justified with a patriotic fervor and in the name of “liberty,” individual rights, equality and peace.

In Honduras, the oligarchy considers itself to be the absolute, uncontested bearer of truth and justice. They invest themselves with the right to take an elected President out of his home by force, dressed only in his pajamas, and then try to manipulate the masses through radio and TV, where they lay out emotional, partisan rationales to assert that the military coup was indeed justified.

Not too long ago, the mayor of New York City, Michael Bloomberg, all but forced the City Council to accept his proposal to extend the city’s term limits law so he could serve a third term. It was a controversial power grab, but New Yorkers didn’t call upon the National Guard or military general to solve this political problem. Why? Well, although we’re comparing two distinct societies–one that historically has not had military coups and is far from having one–the comparison raises the question about the role that the institutions of law play in situations like these. At present, we don’t know exactly what the position of the Honduran court is. So far, we’ve only been exposed to reactionary opinions that reflect emotions and personal interests of a very specific segment of the Honduran population. Where are the courts? Where are the best minds of Honduras?

The wholesale robbery of liberties, the practice of slavery, and the tendency toward looting have all characterized the foundation of our nations in Latin America. More than 500 years after the arrival of the Spanish, the fruits of conquest are still being harvested.

It’s impossible to explain what’s going on in Honduras without taking time to examine the past. State-sponsored terror is latent and is by no means passe. It’s impossible to overlook the historical relations between the Garifunas (Honduran descendants of slaves and freedmen who came to Honduras from the British Caribbean), the “Turcos” (the Christian Arab immigrants who came to the Americas fleeing Muslim persecution during the Ottoman era), who control many businesses in Honduras, and the indigenous groups, who lost almost all of their lands.

If Hondurans lack access to health care, pensions, adequate education, and social mobility, we must acknowledge that the situation is not one borne solely out of today’s realities, but the result of hundreds of years of unfair policies. If we call servants “domestic workers” and still give orphaned children to rich families so their children will have company, this isn’t a contemporary phenomenon either; it has historical roots.

The military junta installed Roberto Micheletti as president and challenges any attempt to restore Zelaya to power. From the Rio Grande to Patagonia this story plays itself out again and again. Today it’s Honduras. Who will it be tomorrow?

[To see a photo essay of protests in Honduras following the coup, please click here. And to learn more about what a coup is, exactly, check out this article.

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No es extraño en la americalatina los golpes de estado y Honduras es tambien un pais de la americalatina.

Photo by rbreve

Para entender los sucesos recientes en Tegucigalpa hay que entender la historia que determina y hace posible la toma del poder por la fuerza y el establecimiento de gobiernos militares. La razon es simple si miramos de cerca como se ditribuye el poder en una sociedad agraria y casi feudal de esta region de Centro America.

La conquista de España en las Americas fue un episodio de genocidio y de brutalidad masiva. Esta produjo ademas una mezcla de europeos, negros, y nativos o indigenas como aqui se le llama que trajo como consecuensias jerarquias etnicas y sociales, dejando establecida asi la linea a seguir por esta nacion por el resto de sus dias hasta el presente.

La independencia de 1821 trajo por si mismo mucho mas anos de lucha para la nueva nacion Hondureña para tratar de mantener la union en la America Central. La invasion a Centro America por parte de William Walker y sus soldados de fortuna trataron de convertir a esa region en una colonia americana. Estos fueron sacados de Nicaragua en 1857 pero en 1860 invadieron a Honduras donde finalmente fue derrotado y puesto frente al peloton de fusilamiento.

Despues de las guerras de independencia de España la nacion quedo dividida en dos grupos, el uno que sigue la linea antes existente en el pais durante la colonia y el otro que desea romper con todo lo del pasado. Aunque a traves de su historia Honduras ha contado con mas de un partido dentro de las dos divisiones, todos ellos siguen una u otra linea ideologica.

Photo: venstresida

Existen enormes problemas politicos, economicos, y sociales en Honduras que apelan a la derecha reaccionaria como falta de orden y descontrol que historicamente las clases dominantes han llamado a las fuerzas armadas para re-establecer el orden y la normalidad. Y que quizas esta misma orden y normalidad ha sido el problema de los ultimos 500 anos en Honduras y en toda la americalatina. Fuerza, violencia y represion son los resultados de esta crisis. Todavia se respira en Honduras los recuerdos de Batallon 316, grupo secreto de paramilitares encargado de eliminar fisicamente a los opositores politicos y a voces desidentes durante el gobierno del General Policarpo Paz Garcia.

Photo by Lon&Queta

Las cortes en americalatina juegan un papel pasivo de aliado a la clase historicamente dominante. De hecho muchas veces utiliza su lenguaje para despojarles los derechos a la mayoria y mantener el status quo. No es una corte que tiene y quiere aplicar con firmeza las leyes constitucionales de su nacion. No hay una tradicion democratica, ni respeto por el derecho ajeno. Es a punta de pistola que se habla. Esta situacion se vivio en Chile en 1973 y en Venezuela hasta hace muy poco. De los 30 paises que conforman latinoamerica, al menos 25 ha vivido con dictadura en un momento u otro. Y cuando elijen a un president civil es muchas veces tan corrupto y violento como los militares: Alberto Fujimori (Peru), Joaquin Balaguer (Republica Dominicana), y Juan Maria Bordaberry (Uruguay), para mencionar unos pocos.

El gobierno de José Manuel Zelaya esta recojiendo los escombros historico de una America pobre, analfabeta, y explotada por siglos. Despues de todo debemos recordarnos que España no llego a las Americas para fundar escuelas, universidades y hacer a los hombres libres. Presidente Zelaya esta siendo testigo de una violencia engranada en lo mas profundo de americalatina, sin pudor y justificada por la reaccion con fervor patriotico y en nombre de la libertad, el derecho individual ,la igualdad y la paz.

En Honduras las clases oligarcas se sienten los duenos absolutos de la verdad y la justicia. Tienen el derecho de sacar an piyamas al nuevo presidente electo y ofrecen por la radio y la television comunicados de prensa que ponen en su vision partidaria y emocional las razones y causa para este golpe militar bien justificados.

En hechos reciente el el mayor de la ciudad de Nueva York Michael Bloomberg trabajo durante su mandato para extender su termino por mas tiempo. Sin embargo los nuevayorkinos no emplearon la Guardia Nacional ni sus generales para solucionar este cambio politico. Por qué? Bueno, aunque estamos hablando y comparando dos sociedades distintas– una que historicamente no ha tenido golpes militares y esta muy lejos de producir uno– refleja cual es el papel historico que juega en la sociedad sus instituciones legales en todo esto. Hasta el momento no hemos sabido cual es la posicion de la corte hondureña que regula y controla las funciones legales del gobierno en el dia a dia. Solo hemos estado expuestos a reacciones y opiniones que van unidos a sentimientos y a intereses personales. Donde estan las cortes? Donde estan las mejores mentes de Honduras?

Robo masivo de libertades, esclavitud, y saqueo han sido los elementos que nuestras naciones se fundaron. A mas de 500 años de la llegada de los españoles todavia se esta recojiendo el fruto de esta conquista. Todo esto en la americalatina refleja el dicho “De tal palo tal astilla”.

Photo of Hondurans by junebug6467

Es imposible explicar los hechos de la Honduras de hoy sin detenerme en el pasado porque me dejaria desnudo y sin palabras. El terror del estado está latente y de ninguna manera moribundo. Sería imposible explicar Honduras sin detenerme en la historia de las relaciones entre Garífunas (personas decendientes de negros esclavos y de libertos venidos a Honduras del caribe Britanico), Turcos (nombre que se le dio a los inmigrantes arabes de religion cristiana perseguidos por los Musulmanes durante el reinado Otoman) y que controlan una gran parte de los negocios en Honduras e indigenas que perdieron casi todas sus tierras.

Si en Honduras las personas andan sin asceso a la salud, beneficios de retiros, derecho a educacion y no es posible la mobilidad social, puedo decir con toda honestidad que no ha sido un invento de un dia. Si a las sirvientas les llaman hoy “trabajadoras domesticas” y todavia se le regalan niños huerfanos a los ricos para que le sirvan de entretenimientos a sus hijos para que tengan compañia, tampoco ha sido invento de un dia.

Photo by Nathan T. Baker

La junta militar establece a Roberto Micheletti como presidente y desafia con sus declaraciones cualquier intento de instalar al presidente constitucional electo Jose Manuel Zelaya. Desde el Rio Bravo hasta La Patagonia esta historia se repite una y otra vez, hoy es Honduras y mañana quien será?

Text: Julie Schwietert Collazo
Photos: Francisco Collazo
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Perhaps it wasn’t coincidence that I spent the past two summers away from New York City.

I’d become disenchanted with summer in the city, cranky with crowds and disgusted by the fetid smell of the subway between June and August. Even the summer activities I’d once loved here and waited all year to enjoy–the free movies, concerts, and performances–had lost their appeal.

Summer’s been slow to arrive this year; it seems like it just showed up this week. For this reason, it’s been easier to be here, and at seven months pregnant, it’s probably not smart to stray too far from home.

Fortunately, this summer also offers a few new activities and escapes, both in the city and out. We’ll be featuring several of them on Collazo Projects over the next few weeks, outlining an itinerary for those of you who live in or near the city, and posting photos and reviews of the experiences for those of you who can only enjoy them from afar. Today we bring you the first one in our series: the Hudson Valley Shakespeare Festival.

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What It Is:
The Hudson Valley Shakespeare Festival is one of the country’s many summer Shakespeare events. Held outside at the Boscobel estate in Garrison, New York, the festival dates back to 1987. The 2009 season kicked off on June 16 and runs through September 6, with shows offered every day except Monday. This year’s productions include “Pericles,” “Much Ado About Nothing,” and “The Complete Works of Shakespeare {Abridged}.” The full calendar can be found here.

Why You’ll Enjoy It:
If the weather’s right, the outdoor setting at Boscobel allows for enjoyment of much more than the play itself. Get to the town of Cold Spring early and wander up Main Street, which is lined with antique shops and boutiques.

If you’re coming up after work, be sure to get to Boscobel by 6 PM at the latest– you’ll have just enough time to walk around the grounds of the estate. Be sure to bring your camera- Boscobel is perched high on a hill overlooking the Hudson River.

If you can get there earlier, so much the better. Boscobel’s grounds open at 5 PM. You’ll have time to spread a picnic blanket on the soft grass and relax before show time.

Festival staff start requesting picnic clean-up around 6:30 PM. “Curtain” time is at 7.

The show is outdoors under a tent; the setting is intimate. After adjusting yourself to the outdoor acoustics, you’ll enjoy the spirited acting of the company, many of whose members are making their second, third, or fourth festival appearance. We saw “Much Ado About Nothing,” which was packed with laughs.

How to Go:
You could drive–a good option if you’re going up on the weekend and want to do some more leisurely exploring of the Hudson Valley region. It’s a mostly straight shot up Route 9.

You’d be better off, though, taking Metro North’s Hudson Line train from Grand Central Terminal in Manhattan to the Cold Spring depot just a couple miles away from Boscobel. You won’t be sitting in bumper to bumper traffic during rush hour; instead, snag a window seat and enjoy the scenery as the train heads north with river views the whole way.

The ride is about 70 minutes. Be sure you choose a train to Poughkeepsie that makes a stop in Cold Spring!

If you take the train, make an advance reservation for the Festival’s shuttle bus (“Bard Bus”) service, which will pick you up at the depot, take you to Boscobel, and bring you back again afterward.

You can make a Bard Bus reservation by calling 845-265-9575. The cost per person is $6.00. When you exit the Metro North train, continue walking down the platform in the same direction the train is heading. At the far end of the platform, you’ll exit at the depot, which is on the corner of Depot and Main Streets. The shuttle will pick you up right there, and is clearly identifiable.

Travel tip: If you do take Metro North, be aware that peak hour ticket prices differ from off-peak prices. PM peak prices going north go into effect on the 4:01 train; if you catch the 3:50 train, your ticket will be a few dollars cheaper. Go ahead and buy a round trip ticket to avoid any problems on your return journey.

What to Know:

If you don’t want to pack your own picnic, the Festival offers a concession stand with pre-made wraps (featuring, among others, the Twelfth Night Turkey and Hamlet Ham and Cheese), chips, cookies, popcorn, ice cream, beer, wine, water, and soda. If you plan ahead, you can also order a gourmet picnic, choosing among these six options: sliced chicken breast, pear, blue cheese and walnut salad; vegetarian salad trio, assorted cheeses with prosciutto, fresh fruit, hummus, and pita chips; grilled tandoori chicken breast served with Asian noodles and cole slaw; Thai beef salad with sesame noodles; or roasted salmon with dill sauce and a summer salad. If you prefer this option visit the Festival’s website to pre-order your picnic, which can be picked up at the concession stand upon your arrival.

You can photograph and video the grounds, but no photography or video is allowed during the show.

Tickets can be ordered online or by calling the box office at 845-265-9575. Prices range from $30-$46, depending on the day of the show. Discounts are offered to seniors and students; children 12 and under get a half-price ticket any night except Saturday. No children under 5 are admitted to performances, however. If you’re planning to take the family, you might want to visit on July 7, 14, or 22, when the Festival offers a family night special: $80 for a family of four.

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